Bilal Al
Amin
Al-Hayat
2004/01/27
Students have historically played
an important
role in America's long and turbulent history of social unrest. College
students spearheaded the anti-Vietnam War movement in the 1960s forming
a powerful national network (Students for a Democratic Society) of tens
of thousands. Protests grew so intense on college campuses after
President
Richard Nixon ordered the invasion of Cambodia; the National Guard
actually
shot four students dead and wounded nine others at Kent State
University
in the spring of 1970. In the end, however, the students prevailed and
forced their government to withdraw from Vietnam.
It was not until the mid-1980s
that a student
movement with a national scope would emerge again. This time, it was
the
racist apartheid system of South Africa that became the target of
student
protest. Students responded to a call from Nelson Mandela's African
National
Congress to boycott corporations that do business in South Africa, or
otherwise
force them to pull investments from the apartheid state - a strategy
that
came to be known as "divestment." Mock shantytowns resembling the
shacks
that poor blacks lived in were erected in a central location on what
are
often pristine university campuses. Students vowed to occupy and
maintain
these "shantytowns" until their university administration pulled all
university
investments that could be linked to South Africa. The largely
successful
international divestment campaign against South Africa became a model
for
later student movements like the Students for Justice in Palestine that
emerged on dozens of campuses in the last three years, calling on their
universities to divest from Israel.
The mid-1990s saw the emergence of
yet another
student movement. This was a generation of students who went to college
in the age of globalization when U.S.-based factories were scouring all
corners of the globe for the cheapest labor and weakest regulations.
Students,
themselves targeted as consumers by "brand names" like Nike shoes and
Gap
clothing stores, were shocked to find out where and under what
conditions
these brands were made. They discovered that many of their
favorite-brand
companies made massive profits by sub-contracting to sweatshops located
in Central America, Indonesia, and China, where workers - largely young
women - worked long hours under extreme conditions for poverty wages to
produce shoes or articles of clothing that were then sold to U.S.
consumers
for 30 or 40 times their cost.
In 1998, after several years of
ferment, the
United States Against Sweatshops (USAS) was formed with 180 campuses
participating
and backed by some of most powerful labor unions. Union officials,
particularly
in the garment industry, were concerned about the increasing use of
sweatshops
abroad and began to raise awareness around the issue well before the
students
caught on. Worse yet, sweatshops began to reappear in the United States
itself. In 1995, one activist group discovered a garment sweatshop in
California
that employed 72 Thai immigrant women, who worked in prison-like
conditions
behind razor wire and under the watch of armed guards. Soon, it became
public knowledge that from New York City's jewelry district to the
meatpacking
factories of Iowa and the strawberry fields of California, sweatshop
labor,
often preying on undocumented immigrant workers, was widespread in the
country.
Much like the earlier divestment
movement
against South Africa, anti-sweatshop student groups demanded their
university
divest from any corporations that can be connected to sweatshop labor.
Many universities, for example, had millions of dollars in contracts
with
Nike to make their lucrative university sports apparel - t-shirts, caps
and sweatshirts with the university emblem on them. The students
enforced
their demands by carrying out occupations of university offices until
either
the administration relented, or the students were forcibly evicted.
Nike,
Gap and other brand-name companies known to use sweatshops were
directly
targeted for protest including sit-ins and leafleting customers. Every
year, around the time of the Christmas holidays, New York City high
school
students, in the thousands, march through the heart of the shopping
district
to raise awareness among shoppers.
United Students Against Sweatshops
continues
to be active, but was submerged in the larger movement against
globalization
that emerged in the now-famous Seattle protests against the World trade
Organization at the end of 1999. Since then, students have turned out
in
the thousands to confront the meetings of the International Monetary
Fund,
the World Bank, or any other free trade summit. In the few years that
this
new anti-globalization movement has existed, they have successfully
thrown
a big question mark over the process of globalization, undermining
several
attempts by the U.S. government to sign new free trade agreements. Even
with the shock of the September 11 attacks, the movement shows no sign
of going away any time soon.
The Bush administration's
heavy-handed response
to the attacks both in the U.S., by attacking Americans'
closely-guarded
civil liberties, and abroad, by waging endless wars, has sparked a new
round of student protests against the so-called "war on terror." In the
run up to the invasion of Iraq, anti-war students coordinated national
days of action where they would walk out of their classes against
desperate
threats of expulsion by school authorities. Of particular concern to
high
school students from underprivileged economic backgrounds, was a
concerted
campaign by the military to lure them into its ranks to replenish the
increasingly
over-stretched U.S. armed services. Military recruiters developed a
slick
MTV-style campaign to make service in the military look appealing to
young
people, spending up to $11,600 per recruit.
High school students and parents
were shocked
to find out that according to a clause buried in a recently passed Bush
administration education bill, any school eligible for government funds
must automatically turn in the names and addresses of its students to
the
military to help them in their recruitment efforts. The military draft
(compulsory recruitment) that caused so much protest in the 1960s had
been
abolished in 1973 as the Vietnam War wound down. Today, the U.S.
military
uses all sorts of incentives, including paying for college fees and
tuition,
as a way to tempt young people into military service. High school
students
characterized it as a "poverty draft," saying that the military
deliberately
targeted the poor for recruitment, sometimes chasing military
recruiters
off their campus in protest. They pointed out that, of the hundreds of
Representatives and Senators in Congress - the body responsible under
the
constitution for declaring war - only one had a child that was enlisted
in the military.
America's youth continue to rebel
against
the multiplying injustices they see committed in their name; whether it
is economic exploitation or the militarization of their society.
Despite
concerted efforts by both the media and the government to turn them
into
happy consumers and willing soldiers, a new generation of Americans are
questioning the new and dangerous course being charted by the Bush
administration.
©2003 Media
Communications Group
english.daralhayat.com 2004/01/29 22:55
GMT